"Habrá que ver, pues, como manejan el país con las mismas taras pero con el poder recortado."
Vicente Massot sobre el matrimonio presidencial
Mostrando las entradas con la etiqueta dinastía. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando las entradas con la etiqueta dinastía. Mostrar todas las entradas
23 de julio de 2008
5 de junio de 2008
Here we go again in this manic-depressive country?
James Neilson
Argentina is a famously manic-depressive country much given to wild swings between euphoria and gloom.
Eight years ago, the national mood was positively suicidal.
Large numbers of people thought that the only solution to their collective woes was to have the country go into receivership and let a gaggle of foreign bankers try to sort out the economic disaster.
But then everything changed.
Thanks largely to steep increases in commodity prices and a fall in the value of the US dollar, something like prosperity returned.
For the umpteenth time, pundits toyed with the idea that the future looked bright.
The main beneficiary of this was Néstor Kirchner.
As the notion that Argentina’s Lazarus-like comeback was due to his stewardship was widely shared, almost half the electorate proved happy enough to let him appoint his wife president.
Few objected to such a blatant show of nepotism or to the lack of anything resembling a party primary.
Why should they if everything was going splendidly?
It was all too good to last.
Not for the first time, pessimism has replaced optimism with quite remarkable speed.
Though the government has more than enough cash to prevent the kind of financial meltdown we have grown accustomed to, worried savers are pulling their money out of banks, changing pesos into dollars, and then stowing them under the mattress.
They do this because they don’t want to be caught napping as they were in late 2001 and early 2002 when their nest eggs were sequestered and then in effect appropriated, throwing millions into poverty.
Until quite recently, the feeling that Argentina may be heading for another crack-up was confined to places like Wall Street.
The dire assessments that emerged from foreign money-men, most of them “neoliberals” in thrall to what all true Argentines knew was a hare-brained theory, were pooh-poohed here even by economists who took it for granted that the “model” Kirchner was in charge of would one day come a cropper.
But since the farm strike got under way scepticism has spread among the general public.
Inflation, sporadic shortages, falling sales and the fear that there is much worse to come have undermined confidence to such an extent that Argentina could well think itself into an economic crisis similar to the one that erupted when another Peronist lady, Isabelita Perón, was queening it in the Pink House back in the 1970s.
According to Roberto Cachanosky in La Nación, the government has created such a mess that sooner or later someone will have to play the role of Celestino Rodrigo, one of Isabelita’s economy ministers, whose efforts to restore a semblance of sanity backfired and put an end to the Argentine middle-class dream.
When the economy seems to be doing nicely, running the country is a relatively simple matter.
People are loath to criticize the President because, they suspect, they might break the magical spell.
It is during these pleasant periods that governments make their worst blunders.
Convinced that the gods are on their side, they refuse even to consider the possibility that circumstances might change and that it would therefore be in their interest to take fewer risks.
Instead, they cling to whatever appeared to work well when times were good.
Like certain generals who in their minds keep refighting old wars, they are indignant when told that the next crisis will in all probability be completely different from the previous one.
Last year Néstor Kirchner presumably assumed that the economy would continue to grow at a decent rate for a long time to come, so all Cristina would have to do was stick to the route he had already mapped out for her.
If that was what he thought he was sorely mistaken.
Unluckily for his wife, she took over just when Argentina was about to experience a sea change.
Confidence in the government gave way to distrust.
And to make matters worse, her hectoring, know-all manner prevented her from dealing adequately with the many problems that, to her evident bewilderment, soon began to beset her.
Nor surprisingly her popularity ratings plummeted: barely half a year into her four-year term, they are now in the low twenties and people close to government are wondering aloud if she will manage to stay in office until 2011.
It need hardly be said that the suspicion that another big political crisis could be fast approaching has done nothing to encourage faith in the country’s economic prospects.
Argentine history is a tale of booms and busts.
As the cycle seems to require about ten years to go full circle, many feel that unless the government alters course very soon the economy will crash.
Though the long farm strike, plus the evidence that the farmers enjoy more public support than do Mr and Mrs Kirchner, has helped change the mood, much the same would have happened even if they had tamely allowed themselves to be clobbered by the taxman.
A rapidly dwindling trade surplus, the lack of investment, the increasing difficulties the government faces in finding the means to finance the enormously expensive subsidies it hands out in order to keep energy prices low for most consumers should by themselves have been enough to tell the government it would be well advised to make a U-turn, but being the people they are, Cristina and her husband have chosen to turn a blind eye to the flashing lights warning them that the end of the road lies ahead and that beyond it there is not much more than a treacherous swamp.
Argentina is a famously manic-depressive country much given to wild swings between euphoria and gloom.
Eight years ago, the national mood was positively suicidal.
Large numbers of people thought that the only solution to their collective woes was to have the country go into receivership and let a gaggle of foreign bankers try to sort out the economic disaster.
But then everything changed.
Thanks largely to steep increases in commodity prices and a fall in the value of the US dollar, something like prosperity returned.
For the umpteenth time, pundits toyed with the idea that the future looked bright.
The main beneficiary of this was Néstor Kirchner.
As the notion that Argentina’s Lazarus-like comeback was due to his stewardship was widely shared, almost half the electorate proved happy enough to let him appoint his wife president.
Few objected to such a blatant show of nepotism or to the lack of anything resembling a party primary.
Why should they if everything was going splendidly?
It was all too good to last.
Not for the first time, pessimism has replaced optimism with quite remarkable speed.
Though the government has more than enough cash to prevent the kind of financial meltdown we have grown accustomed to, worried savers are pulling their money out of banks, changing pesos into dollars, and then stowing them under the mattress.
They do this because they don’t want to be caught napping as they were in late 2001 and early 2002 when their nest eggs were sequestered and then in effect appropriated, throwing millions into poverty.
Until quite recently, the feeling that Argentina may be heading for another crack-up was confined to places like Wall Street.
The dire assessments that emerged from foreign money-men, most of them “neoliberals” in thrall to what all true Argentines knew was a hare-brained theory, were pooh-poohed here even by economists who took it for granted that the “model” Kirchner was in charge of would one day come a cropper.
But since the farm strike got under way scepticism has spread among the general public.
Inflation, sporadic shortages, falling sales and the fear that there is much worse to come have undermined confidence to such an extent that Argentina could well think itself into an economic crisis similar to the one that erupted when another Peronist lady, Isabelita Perón, was queening it in the Pink House back in the 1970s.
According to Roberto Cachanosky in La Nación, the government has created such a mess that sooner or later someone will have to play the role of Celestino Rodrigo, one of Isabelita’s economy ministers, whose efforts to restore a semblance of sanity backfired and put an end to the Argentine middle-class dream.
When the economy seems to be doing nicely, running the country is a relatively simple matter.
People are loath to criticize the President because, they suspect, they might break the magical spell.
It is during these pleasant periods that governments make their worst blunders.
Convinced that the gods are on their side, they refuse even to consider the possibility that circumstances might change and that it would therefore be in their interest to take fewer risks.
Instead, they cling to whatever appeared to work well when times were good.
Like certain generals who in their minds keep refighting old wars, they are indignant when told that the next crisis will in all probability be completely different from the previous one.
Last year Néstor Kirchner presumably assumed that the economy would continue to grow at a decent rate for a long time to come, so all Cristina would have to do was stick to the route he had already mapped out for her.
If that was what he thought he was sorely mistaken.
Unluckily for his wife, she took over just when Argentina was about to experience a sea change.
Confidence in the government gave way to distrust.
And to make matters worse, her hectoring, know-all manner prevented her from dealing adequately with the many problems that, to her evident bewilderment, soon began to beset her.
Nor surprisingly her popularity ratings plummeted: barely half a year into her four-year term, they are now in the low twenties and people close to government are wondering aloud if she will manage to stay in office until 2011.
It need hardly be said that the suspicion that another big political crisis could be fast approaching has done nothing to encourage faith in the country’s economic prospects.
Argentine history is a tale of booms and busts.
As the cycle seems to require about ten years to go full circle, many feel that unless the government alters course very soon the economy will crash.
Though the long farm strike, plus the evidence that the farmers enjoy more public support than do Mr and Mrs Kirchner, has helped change the mood, much the same would have happened even if they had tamely allowed themselves to be clobbered by the taxman.
A rapidly dwindling trade surplus, the lack of investment, the increasing difficulties the government faces in finding the means to finance the enormously expensive subsidies it hands out in order to keep energy prices low for most consumers should by themselves have been enough to tell the government it would be well advised to make a U-turn, but being the people they are, Cristina and her husband have chosen to turn a blind eye to the flashing lights warning them that the end of the road lies ahead and that beyond it there is not much more than a treacherous swamp.
28 de marzo de 2008
Al Jolson Kit
EVITE LA MASACRE DE BLANCOS DE LUIS D'ELIA.ADQUIERA YA EL KIT AL JOLSON Y PINTESE DE NEGRO.
LLAME YA AL 0-800-OLIGARCA
(GARANTIZAMOS MEJORES RESULTADOS SI ADOPTA LA POSICION DEL REZO QUE MUESTRA NUESTRO MODELO EN LA FOTO)
21 de enero de 2008
19 de diciembre de 2007
Fotolog ganancial
FotologCausa indignación que se utilicen recursos públicos para publicitar las actividades del consorte jubilado.
15 de diciembre de 2007
11 de diciembre de 2007
4 de noviembre de 2007
El diario del Jueves
Del Journal du Jeudi, de Burkina Faso, una mirada al fenómeno dinástico de la política argentina.(Sección Enfoques de La Nación)
31 de octubre de 2007
30 de octubre de 2007
Divisiones
De esto venimos hablando. No conozco a casi nadie que haya votado a Cristina Kirchner. Mis conocidos tampoco.
En cambio cuando fueron las presidenciales anteriores, mis conocidos estaban repartidos más o menos entre las opciones.
En 2003 votaron por Menem, López Murphy, Carrió, y hasta por Rodriguez Saa y Kirchner!!
En 1999 votaron por Cavallo, De la Rúa, y hasta por Duhalde.
En 1995 votaron por Menem, Bordón, y hasta por Masaccessi.
En 1989 votaron por Alsogaray, Angeloz, y hasta por Menem!
En 1983 votaron por Alsogaray, por Alfonsín, por Alende, y hasta por Luder!
Si lo del 2007 no es "legitimidad segmentada" no sé lo que es.
29 de octubre de 2007
Grandeza en la victoria
Así tratan las bestias a quienes piensan distinto.
Tras el amplio triunfo de ayer de Elisa Carrió en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, un dolido jefe de Gabinete y líder del PJ en ese distrito, Alberto Fernández, dijo hoy que le seguirá pidiendo a los porteños que "dejen de votar y pensar como una isla en el país". Los trató de "soberbios".
"Le voy a seguir pidiendo a la ciudad que sea parte de un país, y deje de votar y pensar como una isla", dijo Fernández a radio América, y recordó: "El otro día me causó alguna gracia esta idea de que los mayores soberbios del país estaban reclamándole a Cristina su condición de soberbia".
No hay oposición
Ella sacó el 45% (casi) y tiene quorum propio.
La que le sigue sacó el 23% (más que Néstor en el 2003) pero no figuró.
Seamos sinceros.
Los votos de Macri no eran macristas sino antikirchneristas.
Los votos de Carrió, lo mismo.
Ganó en Santa Fe donde hace semanas había perdido el kirchnerismo frente a Binner.
Sacó 69% en Misiones donde Piña le había dado una lección a Rovira.
Le ganó a Sobisch en Neuquén.
López Qué?
La oposición no mueve el amperímetro.
La única que despierta pasiones es ella.
La que le sigue sacó el 23% (más que Néstor en el 2003) pero no figuró.
Seamos sinceros.
Los votos de Macri no eran macristas sino antikirchneristas.
Los votos de Carrió, lo mismo.
Ganó en Santa Fe donde hace semanas había perdido el kirchnerismo frente a Binner.
Sacó 69% en Misiones donde Piña le había dado una lección a Rovira.
Le ganó a Sobisch en Neuquén.
López Qué?
La oposición no mueve el amperímetro.
La única que despierta pasiones es ella.
19 de septiembre de 2007
Rumbo al 28 de octubre
Dos ganadores recibidos por la pareja real. Uno afanó en su elección. El otro todavía está por verse. Lo que sí se ganaron fue el derecho a la audiencia en el palacio real.
Decirles que desde acá también me emocionó el reconocimiento del pueblo del Chubut, ayer, donde Mario das Nieves ganó por más del 70%. Le quiero dar un abrazo muy grande, porque toda la Argentina está apostando al proceso de transformación y de cambio. También hacerle llegar un abrazo allá en el Chaco, a mi amigo, el senador Jorge Capitanich, que también ha triunfado y va marcando el rumbo que este país va a tener el 28 de octubre. Hay que tener muy buena memoria.Le tendrían que haber avisado al ex caganciller, ex cagandidato, y ahora ex diputagasado, que para ganar le convenía que ni Cristina ni Néstor fueran a apoyarlo...
5 de agosto de 2007
9 de julio de 2007
Van por más
Tanto en Sine Metu como en su versión Reloaded siempre advertimos sobre la posibilidad que el gobierno de Néstor Carlos Kirchner se convirtiera en la Tercera Tiranía.
Creo que cualquier hombre que se haga cargo de la libertad de otros tenderá a convertirse en un tirano, y que cualquier hombre que resigne su libertad, por mínima que ésta sea, tenderá a convertirse en un esclavo.Después de haber leído el discurso de Kirchner en Tucumán, en el que bastardeó una fecha patria para utilizarla como plataforma proselitista conyugal, ya no quedan dudas que esta no es la Tercera Tiranía.
H. L. Mencken
Cuando la gente le teme al gobierno, la tiranía encontró su victoria.
Thomas Jefferson
ES LA PRIMERA DINASTIA
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